Home work bergamo assembly

Posted by glhermine Legislative elections will be held in Italy on February 24 and 25, All members of the Chamber of Deputies Camera dei Deputati and members of the Senate Senato della Repubblica are up for reelection. In addition, there will be regional elections direct election of the regional president and the regional legislautre in Lazio LatiumLombardy and Molise.

The Italian electoral system is based on closed party-list proportional representation, but it is a significantly altered form of PR which automatically guarantees the winning electoral coalition an absolute majority in the lower house, though not in the Senate.

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The Chamber of Deputies has seats. For the seats, voters vote for closed party lists.

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These parties are allowed to form formal electoral coalitions with other parties whereby they still run separately but their votes will be counted together for certain purposes. The initial allocation of the seats between qualified coalitions and parties is based on largest-remainder PR. From my understanding of the law, however, the majority bonus only applies to coalitions and not parties. If a party which is running individually were to out poll all coalitions on its own, it would not — as far as I know — receive the seats bonus.

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The remaining seats are apportioned to the other qualifying coalitions or individual parties with largest-remainder PR. Within coalitions, the seats are allocated to the various component parties through the same method. The linguistic minority clause applies to coalition parties as well. The apportionment of seats between the 26 constituencies is weird and confusing, taking place later and sometimes resulting in a change in the number of seats in each constituency. These constituencies are also quite meaningless because candidates may run in more than one constituency.

The 12 deputies representing Italian citizens abroad are elected through open-list PR in four multi-member constituencies Europe with 6 seats, South America with 3 seats, Central and North America with 2 seats and the rest of the world with one seat. The Senate has directly-elected senators there are a variable number of nominated senators-for-lifeof these seats are elected in Italy and 6 are elected abroad.

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The electoral system is basically the same as the one used for the lower house, with home work bergamo assembly few important modifications and some regional peculiarities. The major difference is that the allocation of seats and the majority bonus takes place at the regional, and not national, level.

Therefore, unlike the Chamber where the winning coalition at the national level is ensured a comfortable majority, regardless of its margin of victory or popular vote total; in the Senate, there is no guarantee that a winning coalition will be able to gain an absolute majority — and if it does it will naturally be far more tenuous than its lower house majority.

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The thresholds applied at the regional level for coalitions, component parties and individual parties are higher ma stratégia bináris opciókhoz the Senate. This system has regional peculiarities.

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While all regions are guaranteed a minimum of 7 seats, the small region of Molise elects only two senators and there is no majority bonus in the region. This confusing electoral system has been the subject of controversy and political debate since the start.

The focal point of much of the criticism is the majority bonus, and how it is applied differently in the two houses. In the Home work bergamo assembly, the huge majority bonus given the winning coalition tends to significantly overrepresent the winning coalition at the expense of the losing coalitions and parties. While in the two general elections fought under the law and the winning coalition won a large enough number of votes to prevent egregious distortions, at the local level local elections are fought using a similar system there have been many cases of lists winning huge majorities with a small number of votes.

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While the principle of regional representation in the Senate is a laudable idea in a relatively decentralized country like Italy, in practice the regional majority bonuses make the Senate a source of constant headaches for many government.

The Italian parliamentary system is based on perfect bicameralism, where both houses have the same powers and the incumbent government requires the confidence of both houses to continue governing.

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The regional majority bonuses in a regionally polarized country such as Italy may, as inresult in near-deadlock in the Senate — a major contributing factor to continued governmental instability and the difficulty of governing in Italy. The electoral system also incites small parties — which would struggle to survive independently — to tie themselves to bigger coalitions in a bid to win seats in Parliament and have a chance to have leverage over the larger coalition.

Especially in the Chamber, the law discriminates against small non-coalesced parties in favour of just as small or even smaller parties in coalition with larger parties.

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There was, again, talk of changing the electoral law before the elections but it appears that it was another false alarm. This election will be fought under the law again, but as it becomes ever more unpopular — even with its former backers on the right — there is a chance that the law could be changed after the election.

Lynda Benglis

The First Republic and its Demise There have been two clear eras in Italian politics since the country became a republic in The first era, widely known as the First Republic, lasted between and The second — and current for now — era, dubbed the Second Republic, began in What makes this election particularly interesting, even more so than past elections, is that Italy might be standing at a turning point in its political history.

Indeed, most cabinets were short-lived, lasting on average only 11 months. The PCI participated in the first governments after the war, but after being kicked out init never participated in any other national governments. It retained a solid electoral base and was the major opposition to the DC-led cabinets, but it never stood a chance at forming a government on its own throughout this period.

The Prime Minister, in contrast to the theory of the Westminster system, was fairly ineffectual and could not act as a true executive himself. Instead, party leaders held considerable power.

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Political parties — especially the DC — were composed of various semi-official factions with their leaders, members, bases and sources of financing. The PSI originally maintained close ties with the PCI; the two parties ran a common slate in the decisive election. After the war, the PLI was displaced as the main right-wing force by the DC and managed to salvage support only in Southern Italy, where old Liberal oligarchic networks had been left relatively unscathed by the war.

The party shifted to the right in the s and s before moving towards the centre in the s, becoming a vaguely centre-right party which was an integral part of most DC-led governments.

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It became a vaguely liberal centre-left party, and an integral part of almost all DC-led cabinets after the s. Professing to be a modern social democratic party, the PSDI quickly became a venal party largely devoid of ideology and operating as a consistent junior partner in almost all DC-led cabinets after The MSI, a neo-fascist party, was formed in by fascist veterans and supporters of the former regime.

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As a political party which participated in elections, the MSI was forced to home work bergamo assembly itself to the constraints of the democratic environment and tended to home work bergamo assembly old-style fascist rhetoric. The party was divided between a northern-based radical and ideological neo-fascist wing and a southern-based authoritarian conservative wing which was less dogmatic and radical than the neo-fascist faction and tried to integrate the MSI into the mainstream right.

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This system extended beyond cabinets and the civil service, state-owned conglomerates were controlled by prominent politicians or their friends. The different governing parties came to carve up their own personal preserves in government, claiming various ministries for themselves and awarding them to loyal — though often incompetent — party stalwarts. The politicians who partook in this system of entrenched corruption often became particularly rich. Political parties and their leaders were funded through bribes from contractors and entrepreneurs.

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In southern Italy, most governing parties were tied to the mafia. Italy enjoyed a period of relatively strong economic growth between the s and the late s, despite a few troughs and unemployment problems.

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However, the Italian economy was undermined by the devaluation of the Italian lira and the issuing of excessive amounts of high-interest treasury bonds, which led to a ballooning deficit and public debt in the s.

By the late s, economic growth slowed to a halt. The fall of the Soviet Union in had a major effect on Italian politics, which had been marked by a Cold War confrontation of communists and non-communists since its foundation in The PCI, at the forefront of the evolution of the European communist left once again, split up in The fall of the Soviet Union and the dissolution of the PCI reduced, for a time, the clear left-right polarization in Italian politics.

The First Republic political system collapsed between and The intricate web of corruption, graft and bribery at the highest levels of power — a system nicknamed tangentopoli bribesville — was revealed by the Mani pulite investigations clean hands which began in February Initially involving only a PSI stalwart quickly denounced by his nervous party superiors as a rogue element, the investigation eventually uncovered the entire system and caused the political system and the governing parties to collapse.